ANCHOR BIBLE DICTIONARY

APOCALYPSES AND APOCALYPTICISM. This entry consists of five separate articles. The first two discuss the genre of “apocalypse” and provide an introductory overview to the subject. The third covers “apocalyptic” literature in Mesopotamia and the question of its connection to biblical apocalyptic writings. The fourth and fifth articles respectively provide more in-depth discussions of early Jewish and early Christian “apocalyptic” writings.

The Genre

 A.  Definition

In recent attempts to add precision to the terminology used in discussing the phenomenon loosely called apocalyptic, “apocalypse” has come to designate a literary genre in contrast to the related concepts “apocalyptic eschatology” and “apocalypticism” (see also the heading “Early Jewish Apocalypticism” later in this article). This triad and the specific definitions given to each of its members are of considerable heuristic value in the scholarly attempt to clarify a complex ancient phenomenon (Koch 1972: 23–28; Hanson IDBSup, 27–28). Heuristic devices must not be regarded as more than they are, however, namely, tools useful to the extent that they shed light on the ancient materials themselves. In using such tools, one does well to remember that the ancient apocalyptic writers did not distinguish rigidly between genre, perspective, and ideology, and from this it follows that such categories should be used only with great sensitivity to the integrity and complexity of the compositions themselves.

In using the term “apocalypse” to designate a genre, we are utilizing a derivative of the Greek noun apokalypsis (“revelation, disclosure”). The first attested use of the term to refer to a literary work is in the opening line of the book of Revelation, “The apokalypsis of Jesus Christ.” This bears both historical and formal significance: historical inasmuch as the book of Revelation has exercised considerable influence on the Western understanding of the genre; formal inasmuch as the book exhibits nearly all of the principal characteristics of this genre (pseudonymity being one notable exception).

The first two verses of the book of Revelation contain in nuce the narrative structure of the genre: a revelation is given by God through an otherworldly mediator to a human seer disclosing future events. V 3 contains an added feature commonly found (or implied) in apocalypses, namely, an admonition. Beyond these three verses the book of Revelation as a whole casts further light on this genre. It offers descriptions of the seer’s response to awesome revelatory experiences that resemble those recurring in other apocalypses. True to the structural complexity of many apocalypses, the book of Revelation embraces a series of vision accounts, interspersed with smaller genres like the epistle, the doxology, the victory song, and the blessing. And while the emphasis is on the visionary experience of the seer as the mode of revelation, in chap. 4 the seer, following a heavenly summons to “come up hither,” finds himself in the heavenly throne room, thus providing an example of the “heavenly journey” found, often in vastly elaborated form, in other apocalypses.

A group headed by J. J. Collins expanded on earlier studies of the genre apocalypse by analyzing all of the texts classifiable as apocalypses from the period 250 b.c.e. to 250 c.e. and concluded with this definition: “ ‘Apocalypse’ is a genre of revelatory literature with a narrative framework, in which a revelation is mediated by an other-worldly being to a human recipient, disclosing a transcendent reality which is both temporal, insofar as it envisages eschatological salvation, and spatial, insofar as it involves another, supernatural world” (Collins 1979: 9). The distinction between a temporal and a spatial axis in the mode of revelation found in this definition reflects the fact that, while the eschatological perspective stemming from prophecy is of central importance in early Jewish and Christian apocalypses, descriptions of otherworldly journeys, lists of natural phenomena, and diverse kinds of cosmic and celestial speculations also are found in some of those apocalypses. When consideration is given to the perennial tension between temporal and spatial definitions of salvation (e.g., mythic versus epic views of reality in antiquity and historical versus existential views today), the juxtaposition of temporal and spatial axes within ancient apocalypses seems conceptually fitting.

B.  Antecedents

While fully developed apocalypses first appear in the 3d and 2d centuries b.c.e., two biblical books from the 6th century b.c.e. adumbrate many of the formal features of the genre and can be viewed as important sources. In the opening verse of the book of Ezekiel the prophet reports that “the heavens were opened and I saw visions of God.” In its present form the book of Ezekiel is constructed around five visions, revealing both future judgment and future salvation. In a series of eight visions in Zechariah 1–6 the prophet views supernatural phenomena which are then explained by an interpreting angel as bearing on future events. It seems plausible to assume that later visionaries considered themselves to stand in the tradition of such worthy predecessors.

C.  Important Apocalypses

Smaller units embedded in the gospels and epistles of the NT aside, chaps. 7–12 of the book of Daniel share with the book of Revelation the distinction of alone representing the genre of the apocalypse in the Bible. Like the book of Revelation, Daniel 7–12 contains a series of visions (7, 8, and 10–12). In all three cases the seer receives the vision through an angelic mediator and the content has bearing on future judgment and salvation.

1 Enoch, which is actually an anthology of apocalyptic writings ascribed to the antediluvian figure Enoch and arising over a period of at least two centuries, is preserved in an Ethiopic translation of a Greek version (partially preserved) of Aramaic originals (fragments discovered among the Dead Sea Scrolls). The earliest of the Enochic apocalypses originated at least a half century before Daniel 7–12. Notable among these earliest materials are chaps. 6–11, which trace the rise of evil in the world to the rebellion in heaven alluded to in Gen. 6:1–4, and chaps. 17–36, which describe the heavenly journeys of Enoch. Clearly datable to the period of the Maccabean revolt is the allegorical history of the world in chaps. 89–90 referred to as the “Animal Apocalypse,” and the “Apocalypse of Weeks” in 1 En. 93 and 91:12–17. These apocalypses from 1 En. illustrate the eclectic nature of the genre as it took shape in the Hellenistic period, for we find eschatological visions in continuity with earlier prophecy combined with sapiential and speculative materials reflecting other influences. Nevertheless, the dominant emphasis of these apocalypses and those discussed below is harmonious with the themes of earlier Israelite religion, for they reveal a time/place beyond the fallen present in which God’s sovereignty will be restored and the righteous will be vindicated.

4 Ezra and 2 Baruch. These two works are closely tied together by common themes and a shared setting in the aftermath of the Roman destruction of Jerusalem and the temple. In 4 Ezra three dialogues between seer and an angel are followed by three visions which, in an allegorical fashion recalling Daniel and the Maccabean period apocalypses of 1 Enoch, desribe the movement of history through the ages down to the concluding divine denouement. 2 Baruch similarly combines dialogue and visions into a tapestry of apocalypses and other genres subservient to the eschatological theme of the fulfillment of human history in final judgment and salvation.

D.  Setting and Function

Though the degree to which the above-mentioned apocalypses preserve traces of their historical setting varies, it is evident in general terms that they all reflect a situation of crisis and aim at offering assurance of salvation to those alienated from the power structures of this world and suffering for their religious convictions. Daniel envisions the imminent destruction of Antiochus IV and the conferral of the kingdom on the “saints of the Most High.” In 4 Ezra the angel explains that the vision of the transformation of the woman from mourning and weeping to glory signifies the transformation that is about to happen to Zion. In the book of Revelation, visions of the downfall of the beast and the victory of the lamb gave assurance of the final vindication of those suffering under Roman persecution. Though more difficult to integrate into the theme of assurance in time of crisis, even those sections revealing the mysteries of the heavens and the secrets of the vast cosmos contribute to the effort to establish a basis for hope transcending the ever changing experiences of this world. The setting and function that can be glimpsed behind the Jewish and Christian apocalypses thus indicate that, while those communities and movements that we can characterize under the rubric of “apocalypticism” expressed themselves in genres ranging all the way from the testament to the song of victory, the genre of the apocalypse is more intimately related to the phenomenon of apocalyptic than any other literary form.

Bibliography

Collins, J. J., ed. 1979. Apocalypse: The Morphology of a Genre. Semeia 14. Missoula, MT.

Hanson, P. 1987. Old Testament Apocalyptic. Philadelphia.

Hellholm, D., ed. 1983. Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the Near East. Tübingen.

Koch, K. 1972. The Rediscovery of Apocalyptic. SBT 2/22. Naperville, IL.

Paul D. Hanson

Introductory Overview

The word “apocalyptic,” though properly an adjective, in common parlance has come to designate the phenomenon of the disclosure of heavenly secrets in visionary form to a seer for the benefit of a religious community experiencing suffering or perceiving itself victimized by some form of deprivation. The book of Daniel is the foremost literary example of this phenomenon in the world of Jewish antiquity, though Jewish apocalyptic writings range far beyond the Bible and betray connections with related phenomena in other cultures.

The problem with the proper usage is that it leaves unclear what qualities determine whether a given experience or written account fits the category apocalyptic: whether literary characteristics, a particular world view or pattern of ideas, or a certain type of social setting. This unclarity has led scholars to prefer a triad of definitions, differentiating between “apocalypse” as a literary genre, “apocalyptic eschatology” as a religious perspective, and “apocalypticism” as a community or movement enbodying an apocalyptic perspective as its ideology (Koch 1972; P. Hanson IBDSup, pp. 28–34; Collins 1984).

A.  Apocalypse

Though the phenomenon designated “Jewish apocalyptic” comes to expression in more than one genre, the specific genre “apocalypse” occupied a privileged position. First used explicitly as the designation of a writing in antiquity in Rev. 1:1, the structure of the apocalypse reflects more closely than any other genre the essential characteristics of the apocalyptic phenomenon, and its history is more closely intertwined with the history of Jewish apocalyptic than is the history of any other genre.

B.  Apocalyptic Eschatology

The ideas and concepts that come to expression in apocalyptic writings range broadly from ancient mythic motifs to biblical themes to speculation reflecting a Hellenistic milieu. Nevertheless, as the genre “apocalypse” enjoys pride of place on the literary plane, a world view we can designate “apocalyptic eschatology” more frequently than any other perspective provides the conceptual framework within which the diverse materials encompassed by the apocalyptic writings are interpreted.

Eschatology, as the study of “end-time” events, developed earlier in biblical prophecy. The perspective of apocalyptic eschatology can best be understood as an outgrowth from prophetic eschatology. Common to both is the belief that, in accordance with divine plan, the adverse conditions of the present world would end in judgment of the wicked and vindication of the righteous, thereby ushering in a new era of prosperity and peace. In an early postexilic prophetic oracle, Yahweh announces:

 For the former troubles will be forgotten, For now I create new heavens and a new earth (Isa 65:16b–17a).

Prophetic eschatology and apocalyptic eschatology are best viewed as two sides of a continuum. The development from the one to the other is not ineluctably chronological, however, but is intertwined with changes in social and political conditions. Periods and conditions permitting members of the protagonist community to sense that human effort would be repaid by improved fortune tended to foster prophetic eschatology, that is, the view that God’s new order would unfold within the realities of this world. Periods of extreme suffering, whether at the hands of opponents within the community or those of foreign adversaries, tended to cast doubts on the effectiveness of human reform and thus to abet apocalyptic eschatology, with its more rigidly dualistic view of divine deliverance, entailing destruction of this world and resurrection of the faithful to a blessed heavenly existence.

C.  Apocalypticism

The social and political setting within which most of the Jewish apocalyptic writings arose is a matter of scholarly conjecture. A noteworthy exception is the corpus of sectarian writings found at Qumran. Though actual examples of the genre of the apocalypse at Qumran are rare and fragmentary in form, the sectarian writings are permeated with the perspective designated above as “apocalyptic eschatology.” Within the community at Qumran, the perspective of apocalyptic eschatology had been elevated to the status of an ideology, functioning to inform its interpretation of Scripture, to provide the basis for its understanding of Jewish and gentile adversaries, and to supply a historiographic point of view from which to develop a detailed scenario of final conflict and divine vindication of the elect.

Apocalypses and other writings sharing the perspective of apocalyptic eschatology originating outside of the Qumran community were copied and studied within that community (e.g., the writings within the Ethiopic corpus designated 1 Enoch, minus the parables, and Jubilees). Though these writings differ at important points from the Qumran writings, shared views on calendar, angelology, demonology, cosmology, and eschatology suggest that different communities embodying the perspective of apocalyptic eschatology maintained contact with one another, possibly with the consciousness of being united under the umbrella of a wider Essene movement.

Hopefully future archaeological findings coupled with intensified study of existing written and archaeological material will shed further light on Jewish apocalypticism. In such scholarship the temptation to try to homogenize all apocalyptic writings into one broad movement must be eshewed. 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch, bearing affinities as they do with Pharisaic teachings, illustrate that not all apocalyses come from the Essenes. Apocalyptic themes in later rabbinic writings indicate that an apocalyptic motif in a literary composition does not constitute proof of origin in an apocalyptic movement (Block 1952). Apocalypticism, as a designation for a movement that has adopted the perspective of apocalyptic eschatology as its ideology, must accordingly be used with great caution and only in cases where sufficient evidence accumulates to point to a community that has constructed its identity upon the world view of apocalyptic eschatology.

D.  Sources of Jewish Apocalyptic

What were the influences that fostered the development of Jewish apocalyptic? Scholars were once confident that the source could be traced to a form of Persian dualism with which Judaism came into contact in the Second Temple period. Support for this view has evaporated as the result of studies indicating that the Persian sources upon which the hypothesis rested were written over a half millennium after the period of alleged influence.

Gerhard von Rad, reviving an idea advanced in the 19th century, argued that the Wisdom tradition was the source of Jewish apocalyptic (Von Rad 1972). This he did by identifying the heart of apocalyptic not in eschatology but in a deterministic interpretation of history. Von Rad’s hypothesis has found few followers and many critics, largely due to the fact that apocalyptic eschatology—while not excluding other patterns of thought—frequently provides the conceptual framework into which other materials are integrated and on the basis of which they are interpreted (Von der Osten-Sachen 1969).

The source that continues to emerge from the debate concerning origins with the highest degree of credibility is biblical prophecy. Here the key lies within a group of writings that can either be designated “late prophecy” or “early apocalyptic” (e.g., Isaiah 24–27; Isaiah 56–66; Zechariah 9–14), insofar as they occupy a transitional position between the more historically oriented perspective of classical prophecy and the more transcendent view of salvation characteristic of the apocalyptic writings. Challenges to the prophetic source theory, however, have also made a contribution: they have indicated that Jewish apocalyptic becomes increasingly complex over the course of the centuries and especially as it enters the Hellenistic era, at which point it draws freely upon rather refined sciences such as learned speculation on celestial and terrestrial phenomena and sapiential reflection betraying stronger connections with Mesopotamian mantic traditions than with Egyptian or Israelite wisdom (Collins 1977; Stone 1976).

E.   Theological Meaning

As the writer of the book of Daniel drew upon the words of the prophet Jeremiah to explain his troubled times, and as the teachers of Qumran expounded on the books of Habakkuk and Nahum to reveal the eschatological significance of current events, so too Herbert Armstrong and Hal Lindsay command the attention of millions with their biblically based predictions of apocalyptic denouement. Diligent historical-critical study, combined with hermeneutical theory that pays attention to the multivalence of symbols and the complexities involved in the transfer of meaning from ancient settings to a world far removed in time, can restrain reckless readings of Jewish apocalyptic writings that abet international tension and can serve instead as a guide to a more accurate understanding of these mysterious compositions and to a more fitting appreciation of the abiding significance of the messages addressed by ancient apocalyptic seers to those engulfed by suffering and overwhelmed by dread (Hanson 1987).

Bibliography

Block, J. 1952. On the Apocalyptic in Judaism. JQRMS 2. Philadelphia.

Collins, J. J. 1977. Cosmos and Salvation: Jewish Wisdom and Apocalyptic in the Hellenistic Age. HR 17: 121–42.

———. 1984. The Prophetic Imagination in Ancient Judaism. New York.

Hanson, P. D. 1975. The Dawn of Apocalyptic. Philadelphia.

———. 1987. Old Testament Apocalyptic. Philadelphia.

Koch, K. 1972. The Rediscovery of Apocalyptic. SBT 2/22. Naperville, IL.

Osten-Sachen, P. von der. 1969. Die Apokalyptik in ihrem Verhältnis zu Prophetie und Weisheit. ThEH 157. Munich.

Rad, G. von. 1972. Wisdom in Israel. Nashville.

Stone, M. E. 1976. Lists of Revealed Things in the Apocalyptic Literature. Pp. 414–52 in Magnalia Dei: The Mighty Acts of God, ed. F. M. Cross et al. Garden City, NY.

Paul D. Hanson

Akkadian “Apocalyptic” Literature

Research in Akkadian literature over the last decade or so has led to the suggestion that the origins of apocalyptic literature may be found there. The particular type of Akkadian literature in question is the so-called “Akkadian prophecies.” This article will first describe briefly the Akkadian prophecies and their purpose, then go on to discuss the question of whether or not these are eschatological in nature and what possible relationship they may have to Jewish apocalyptic literature.

Akkadian prophecies are actually pseudoprophecies, for they consist in the main of predictions after the event (vaticinia ex eventu). The predictions are presented as a chronological sequence of reigns and are often introduced by some such phrase as “a prince will arise.” It is a feature of Akkadian prophecies that the rules are never mentioned by name but it is often possible to identify them since various details such as the length of their reigns are often given. The reigns themselves are described as “good” or “bad” and the vocabulary and literary style of these prophecies generally is that of Akkadian omen literature.

Akkadian prophecies are a purely literary phenomenon and there is no evidence for any oral background. This is in contrast to Akkadian oracles which, as the name implies, were oral pronouncements to the king by ecstatics and are not relevant to our discussion of apocalyptic literature. The number of Akkadian prophecies so far recovered is quite small; in fact only five main compositions are as yet known. Of these five only two are directly relevant to the present topic: the Dynastic Prophecy and the Uruk Prophecy.

Scholars generally agree that the writer of an Akkadian prophecy wished to justify or advocate an idea, institution, or development in his own time by means of a long preamble in which he pretends to have predicted other ideas, events, and institutions of previous times. He then concludes this series of pseudopredictions with a prophecy that the particular idea or institution which he wished to justify or advocate would be established by the gods. Now the peculiarity of the two prophecies just mentioned, the Dynastic Prophecy and the Uruk Prophecy, is that each seems to conclude with a real prophecy; that is, something that the writer himself only wished would come about but had not actually done so in his lifetime. Thus the Dynastic Prophecy seems (the text is unfortunately badly broken) to conclude with a prediction that the Seleucid Empire in Babylonia will fall. In other words, it is the product of anti-Macedonian feeling in Babylonia. The conclusion of the Uruk Prophecy is even more significant. After prophesying various good and bad reigns for the city of Uruk, the writer ends with a prediction that a king will arise in Uruk and rule the four quarters: that is, the world. The last two sentences read, “His reign will be established forever. The kings of Uruk will exercise dominion like the gods.” There is no doubt that this is a real prediction since in fact such an event never happened. There is more significance, however, than that to these sentences; they are clearly eschatological in nature.

The evidence for eschatology in the Akkadian prophecies immediately provides a major link with apocalyptic literature. The idea that world history will end in a millennium, when all wrongs will be righted and all just people rewarded, is a major feature of Jewish apocalyptic literature, such as the book of Daniel and, by extension, the Christian book of Revelation, and of the apocalyptic tradition which developed in medieval times. We cannot give any specific date to the Uruk Prophecy in Mesopotamia but it is well established that the genre called Akkadian prophecy was present before 1000 b.c. It cannot yet be shown that the earlier Akkadian prophecies had eschatological ideas in them; indeed this has been debated in scholarly circles. Nevertheless, the presence of eschatology in the later prophecies seems to fit well in the context of this genre and probably is an indigenous development. Thus there is good reason to suggest, even though it cannot be proven, that apocalyptic literature has its origin in the Mesopotamian literary genre called Akkadian prophecies.

Bibliography

Biggs, R. 1967. More Babylonian Prophecies. Iraq 29: 117–32.

———. 1987. Babylonian Prophecies, Astrology, and a New Source for “Prophecy Text B.” Pp. 1–14 in Language, Literature and History, ed. F. Rochberg-Halton. AOS 67. New Haven.

Grayson, A. K. 1975. Babylonian Historical Literary Texts. Toronto Semitic Texts and Studies 3. Toronto.

Grayson, A. K., and Lambert, W. G. 1964. Akkadian Prophecies. JCS 18: 12–16.

Hallo, W. 1966. Akkadian Apocalypses. IEJ 16: 231–42.

Hunger, H., and Kaufman, S. 1975. A New Akkadian Prophecy Text. JAOS 95: 371–75.

A.     Kirk Grayson

Early Jewish Apocalypticism

The term “apocalypticism” is derived from the Greek word apokalypsis, “revelation,” which is used to designate the book of Revelation in the NT (Rev 1:1). The term is variously used to refer to a social movement or movements, a system of thought, or, more vaguely, a spiritual movement. The starting point, however, for any use of “apocalyptic,” “apocalypticism,” and related terms is a distinctive body of literature from ancient Judaism and early Christianity.

———

A.  Literary Genre

B.   From Apocalypse to Apocalypticism

C.  Israelite Background

D.  Foreign Influences

E.   Earliest Jewish Movements

F.   Qumran

G.  Other Jewish Apocalyptic Movements

H.  Function of Apocalypticism

———

A.  Literary Genre

Historically this corpus has been recognized because of its resemblance to the canonical Apocalypse of John, or book of Revelation. “Apocalypse” was a well-known genre label in Christian antiquity, beginning from the end of the 1st century c.e., when it appears as the introductory designation in Rev 1:1 (Smith 1983: 18–19). Thereafter apocalypses are attributed to both NT (Peter, Paul) and OT figures (e.g., the gnostic Apocalypse of Adam, the Cologne Mani Codex speaks of apocalypses of Adam, Sethel, Enosh, Shem, and Enoch). Prior to the late 1st century c.e. the title is not used. (Its occurrence in the manuscripts of 2 and 3 Baruch may be secondary.) It is possible, nonetheless, to identify a corpus of Jewish writings from this earlier period which fit a common definition (Collins 1979: 21–59). This definition is first of all formal: an apocalypse is a genre of revelatory literature with a narrative framework, in which a revelation is mediated by an otherworldly being to a human recipient. It also recognizes a common core of content: an apocalypse envisages eschatological salvation and involves a supernatural world. Finally, there is, on a rather general level, a common function: an apocalypse is intended to interpret present, earthly circumstances in light of the supernatural world and of the future, and to influence both the understanding and the behavior of the audience by means of divine authority (Yarbro Collins 1986: 7). This definition fits all the Jewish writings which are generally classified as apocalypses: Daniel, 1 Enoch, 2 Enoch, 2 Baruch, 3 Baruch, 4 Ezra, Apoc. Abraham, and a few works of mixed genre (Jubilees, T. Abraham). Note also T. Levi 2–5 which is part of a larger work, and Apoc. Zephaniah, which is problematic because of its fragmentary character. It also fits an extensive corpus of Christian writings, beginning with Revelation, Hermas, and Apoc. Peter. Examples can also be found, with some distinctive variations, in Gnosticism (Apoc. Adam, 2 Apoc. James), among the later Jewish mystical texts (e.g., 3 Enoch), and also in Greek, Latin, and Persian literature (see the various essays in Collins 1979).

The definition of apocalypse given above fits an extensive body of literature, which was produced over several hundred years. It is not suggested that the genre remained static or was consistently uniform. In fact, the definition serves only to delimit the corpus, and allows for considerable variation and development within it. To begin with, it is possible to distinguish two broad types of apocalypses: the historical type (e.g., Daniel) in which revelation is most often conveyed in symbolic visions and presents an overview of history culminating in a crisis, and the otherworldly journeys (of which the earliest example is found in the Book of the Watchers, 1 Enoch 1–36), which are more mystical in orientation. It is also possible to distinguish various historical clusters of apocalypses which have their own distinctive emphases and concerns—e.g., within the Jewish corpus one might distinguish the early Enoch literature, the apocalypses of the Diaspora, or those composed after the fall of Jerusalem, 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch (see Collins 1984). Moreover, there is always some overlap between the apocalypses and other genres, e.g., the historical reviews which are characteristic of the historical apocalypses are also typical of the Sibylline Oracles and of the testamentary literature. While the apocalypses constitute a distinct genre, they cannot be understood in isolation from the various types of related literature.

B.  From Apocalypse to Apocalypticism

We have seen that the genre apocalypse is characterized in part by core elements of content, specifically a lively belief in the supernatural world and the expectation of eschatological salvation.

Belief in a supernatural world is, of course, characteristic of religion in general. Against the background of the Hebrew Bible, however, the apocalyptic literature shows a heightened interest both in otherworldly regions and in supernatural beings. So Enoch describes the abodes of the dead and the places of judgment, and ascribes the origin of evil to the sin of the Watchers, or fallen angels. This aspect of apocalypticism has often been overlooked because of a preoccupation with eschatology, but it has been repeatedly emphasized in recent years (e.g., Gruenwald 1980; Rowland 1982). It is an important feature of all the apocalypses, not only of the heavenly journeys.

Eschatology, too, was characteristic of much of the prophetic tradition. In the apocalyptic literature, however, it takes on a new character. The distinctive novelty here was the belief in the judgment of the dead. An apocalypse like Daniel might still proclaim an eschatological kingdom of Israel, but it also promised that the faithful would rise in glory, and thereby offered a perspective on life which was very different from that of the Hebrew prophets.

Taken together, these core elements of content constitute a world view, which was new and distinctive in Judaism when it first emerged in the Hellenistic period, although it subsequently came to be widely accepted. The belief in a judgment beyond death and in the influence of angels and demons on human life created a framework for human decisions and actions. This world view or “symbolic universe” which is extrapolated from the apocalypses is what we call “apocalypticism.” It can also be expressed in other literary forms. The Discourse on the Two Spirits and the War Scroll from Qumran are not presented as revelations mediated by an angel, but they are generally and rightly recognized as apocalyptic in the broader sense that they exhibit the apocalyptic world view. Apocalypticism, then, is a broader phenomenon than the literary genre. From the historical point of view, the world view is prior to the production of apocalypses (i.e., people who believe in angels and demons and in an eschatological judgment are likely to write apocalypses, although they may also express themselves in other genres). From the viewpoint of the modern scholar, however, the literary genre is prior (i.e., the world view is recognized by analogy with the apocalypses).

In his influential article in IDBSup, Paul Hanson defined apocalypticism not only as a “symbolic universe” but as “the symbolic universe in which an apocalyptic movement codifies its identity and interpretation of reality” (IDBSup, 30). One of the strengths of Hanson’s article lay in his realization that one cannot speak simply of the apocalyptic movement: there is no demonstrable historical link between the people who produced the early Enoch literature and those who wrote 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch, or the other distinct clusters of apocalyptic texts. He was also right in recognizing that apocalypticism can serve as the “symbolic universe” of a movement. Nonetheless, there is no automatic connection between apocalypticism and social movements. In many cases we know very little of the social matrix in which apocalyptic literature was produced. A work like 4 Ezra may have been the product of a relatively isolated individual, who was not part of a movement in any meaningful sense of the word. We should beware of inferring social movements too readily from literary evidence.

C.  Israelite Background

Jewish apocalypticism first emerges clearly in the Hellenistic age, but it is in many respects a development of old strands in the religion of Israel (see Collins 1987: 548–50). There is obvious continuity between the apocalyptic expectation of a final judgment and the prophetic “day of the Lord.” The idea of a cosmic day of judgment is widely attested in the prophets and the psalms (e.g., Pss 96, 98; Isa 2:4). The apocalyptic interest in the heavenly world is a development of older ideas of the heavenly council (e.g., Ps 82:1) which can be traced back to Canaan and Mesopotamia in the 2d millennium (Mullen 1980). The degree of continuity between the apocalyptic world view and the older religion of Israel is hard to assess, because the mythological elements in Israelite religion are not well represented in the Hebrew Bible. We read in Isa 24:21–23 that “on that day the Lord will punish the host of heaven, in heaven, and the kings of the earth, on the earth. . . . They will be shut up in a prison, and after many days they will be punished.” This passage evidently presupposes a fuller narrative than is now extant. In 1 Enoch 18, Enoch is shown the prison of the host of heaven. We cannot infer that all the transcendent world toured by Enoch was presupposed in Isaiah 24, but we must recognize that the apocalyptic writers had at their disposal a much fuller mythology than is now extant in the Hebrew Bible. Light has been shed on some apocalyptic passages, notably Daniel 7, by the Ugaritic myths, which were written down over a millennium earlier (Collins 1977: 96–103). Because of the high degree of selectivity in the editing of the Hebrew Bible, the lines by which this material was transmitted down to the Hellenistic age are no longer in evidence.

Paul Hanson claims to find the perspective of apocalyptic eschatology already in the late 6th century b.c.e., especially in the oracles of Isaiah 56–66 (Hanson 1975). On Hanson’s reconstruction, the authors of these oracles belonged to a disenfranchised group, which was excluded from power in the restored Jerusalem temple. As they despaired of rectifying this situation by human means, they called on their God to “rend the heavens and come down” (Isa 64:1) and envisaged “a new heaven and a new earth” (Isa 65:17). Hanson traces a movement which persisted from the time of the Exile to the end of the 5th century and is attested in Zechariah 9–14, Isaiah 24–27, Malachi, and possibly Joel. Perhaps the most radical vision is found in Isaiah 24–27, where we are told that God “will swallow up death forever” (Isa 25:8).

This bold reconstruction of a social movement is quite hypothetical, but its historical plausibility does not concern us here. For our purposes, the essential point is that the world view of these postexilic writings is significantly different from what we will later find in 1 Enoch and Daniel. The crucial difference can be seen in the nature of the eschatology. In Isaiah 65 the new creation is one where “the child shall die a hundred years old, and the sinner a hundred years old shall be accursed,” but they will die nonetheless. There is no question of personal immortality. Even Isaiah 24–27, which speaks of the destruction of death and says that God’s dead shall live (Isa 26:19), most probably only envisages the resurrection of the Israelite people, in the manner of Ezekiel 37. There is still no suggestion that a human being can pass over to the world of the angels or become a companion to the host of heaven. Consequently these oracles retain the this-worldly emphasis traditional in biblical prophecy. In view of this, the oracles of Isaiah 56–66 and other postexilic prophecies are best regarded as examples of late prophecy, even though some of their themes are later taken up in a new context in the apocalypses. This is also true of the visions of Zechariah 1–6, which are closer formally to the apocalyptic visions than any material in the Hebrew Bible before the book of Daniel, and which are more obviously supportive of the cultic institutions than Isaiah 56–66. There again, the goal envisaged is the restoration of Israel so that everyone would invite his neighbor under his vine and under his fig tree (Zech 3:10).

D.  Foreign Influences

The development of apocalypticism in the Hellenistic period cannot be understood exclusively against the background of older Israelite religion. Judaism was exposed to a wide range of influences in the postexilic era and there were some analogous developments in other traditions at this time. The earliest Jewish apocalypses are those attributed to Enoch and Daniel, both of whom have strong links with Mesopotamia. The figure of Enoch seems to be modeled to a great degree on legendary Mesopotamian sages, especially Enmeduranki, founder of the guild of barus or Babylonian diviners (VanderKam 1984: 38–45). One of the earliest of the writings attributed to him is primarily concerned with the movements of the stars, a topic which enjoyed much greater prominence in Babylonian tradition than in Israel. The book of Daniel is set in the Babylonian Exile, and Daniel is portrayed as a professional sage, skilled in the interpretation of dreams like his Chaldean colleagues. There is, then, reason to suspect that the earliest stages of Jewish apocalypticism developed in the eastern Diaspora, though conclusive evidence is lacking.

It is not surprising, then, that some scholars have sought the background of Jewish apocalypticism in Mesopotamian traditions (Lambert 1978; VanderKam 1984; Kvanvig 1987). There is no evidence that the Babylonians ever developed an apocalyptic tradition, but some aspects of Babylonian thought may have had an influence on the development in Judaism. Many scholars have observed the affinities between apocalyptic revelation and the “mantic wisdom” of the Chaldeans (Müller 1972). Both involve the interpretation of mysterious signs and symbols and both carry overtones of determinism. The omen collections, which are the primary literature of Babylonian divination, are very different from the Jewish apocalypses. There are, however, two Mesopotamian genres which are significant for the background of Jewish apocalypticism. One is the dream vision, whose influence is undeniable in the case of Daniel, but is also in evidence in the Enochic Book of Dreams (1 Enoch 83–90). The most interesting example is the 7th-century Assyrian Vision of the Netherworld, in which a prince, in his dream, is taken before the king of the netherworld, issued a warning, and allowed to return to life. The attempt to demonstrate direct influence of this composition on the apocalypses of Enoch and Daniel has not been convincing (Kvanvig 1987), but it is potentially important for the development of the subgenre of otherworldly journeys. Unfortunately we have as yet few examples of such visions of the netherworld (see also the death dream of Enkidu in the Epic of Gilgamesh). The second Mesopotamian genre which is relevant here is more closely related to the historical apocalypses and has only come to light in recent years. This is the genre of Akkadian prophecy, defined as “a prose composition consisting in the main of a number of ‘predictions’ of past events. It then concludes either with a ‘prediction’ of phenomena in the writer’s day or with a genuine attempt to forecast future events” (Grayson 1975: 6). In at least some cases they are pseudonymous (Marduk, Shulgi; the attribution of other oracles is uncertain because of fragmentary preservation). Examples range in date from the 12th century to the Seleucid era. Such vaticinia ex eventu figure prominently in the historical apocalypses (e.g., Dan 8:23–25, Daniel 11. See Lambert 1978). These Babylonian prophecies do not end with the transcendent, cosmic eschatology which characterizes apocalypticism, and are not properly called “apocalyptic,” but they provide one of the building blocks for one type of apocalypse.

Unlike the Babylonians, the Persians had a well-developed apocalyptic tradition, which has often been assumed to be the source of Jewish apocalypticism (e.g., Bousset 1966: 478–83). In recent years scholars have become reticent about positing Persian influence, because of the notorious difficulties of dating. Most of the relevant Persian material is extant in Pahlavi works, which are as late as the 9th century c.e. The traditions involved are certainly much older than this but are difficult to date with any confidence. One of the primary texts in dispute is the Bahman Yasht, or Zand-i Vohuman Yasn, a full-blown apocalypse of the historical type, which includes a vision of a tree with four metal branches symbolizing kingdoms (cf. the statue in Daniel 2). This composition has been widely thought to be based on a lost Zand of the Avesta, which was widely influential in the Hellenistic age (Eddy 1961: 17–20; Widengren 1983: 105–27). Recently, however, the existence of this Avestan Zand has been questioned, and the possibility of Jewish influence on Persian apocalypticism has been raised (Gignoux 1987: 355). Another major witness to pre-Christian Persian apocalypticism is the Oracle of Hystaspes, which is not extant and must be reconstructed from the writings of Lactantius. This work has sometimes been regarded as a Jewish pseudepigraph (so Flusser 1982) and, while most scholars accept it as Persian, the uncertainty of provenance is symptomatic of the problems of Persian apocalypticism.

Despite the problems, the possible influence of Persian apocalypticism of Judaism cannot be discounted. A brief (and problematic) account of Persian religion attributed to Theopompus (about 300 b.c.e.) attests a belief in an ongoing dualistic struggle between light and darkness, the activity of angelic and demonic beings, and the division of history into periods (Plut. De ls. et Os. 47). Belief in resurrection is undisputedly old in Persian religion (Widengren 1983: 81), as is the motif of the heavenly journey (Gignoux 1987: 364). Persian influence on the dualism of the Dead Sea Scrolls is widely admitted. The full relationship between Persian and Jewish apocalypticism, and the degree of influence of the one on the other, remains one of the major unresolved problems in the study of apocalypticism.

Many of the features of apocalypticism which are paralleled in Babylonian and Persian material are also paralleled more widely in the Hellenistic world. There was a long-standing tradition of political prophecy in Egypt, which was adapted in the Hellenistic period in the Potter’s Oracle (Griffiths 1983: 283–93). The Sibylline Oracles, adapted in Judaism and Christianity, were in origin a Greek genre. The motif of the otherworldly journey was widespread in the Hellenistic-Roman world, as were various forms of belief in immortality. The currency of these ideas in the general environment may have stimulated their acceptance in Judaism. This is not to detract from the thoroughly Jewish character of apocalypticism as it developed in 1 Enoch and Daniel, but to recognize that Hellenistic Judaism was a product of its age and should be studied in its cultural context.

E.   Earliest Jewish Movements

The earliest Jewish apocalyptic movement is that associated with the figure of Enoch. In this case we have a cluster of apocalypses (the Book of the Watchers, the Astronomical Book, the Book of Dreams, the Apocalypse of Weeks, all now gathered in 1 Enoch) which are in demonstrable continuity with one another. All are ascribed pseudonymously to the antediluvian figure of Enoch. The Aramaic fragments from Qumran require a 3d-century date for the earliest stages of this movement (Milik 1976; Stone 1980: 27–35). The earliest documents of this corpus (the Astronomical Book and the Book of the Watchers) are largely concerned with cosmological lore. In both cases, however, the order of the cosmos has been disrupted: in the Astronomical Book by “many heads of the stars” who go astray (1 Enoch 80) and in the Book of the Watchers by the fallen angels. It is disputed whether the Book of the Watchers is a reflection on the problem of evil in general (Sacchi 1982) or a more specific reaction to the cultural changes of the Hellenistic age (Nickelsburg 1977). Neither of these early apocalypses shows the expectation of imminent divine intervention which is often taken to be constitutive of apocalypticism (cf. Daniel and Revelation), but they do affirm an ultimate divine judgment. The Mesopotamian parallels to the figure of Enoch and the interest in the astral world in the Astronomical Book suggest that the earliest stages of this tradition were formed in the eastern Diaspora, although the evidence is not conclusive (VanderKam 1984). The Enoch tradition undergoes some development in the Apocalypse of Weeks and the Book of Dreams. These documents were produced closer to the time of the Maccabean revolt and were certainly written in Palestine. Both apocalypses contain lengthy reviews of history in the guise of prophecy and culminate with divine intervention and a final judgment. Both also give clear indications of the formation of a distinct group, called “small lambs” in 1 Enoch 90:6 and “the chosen righteous from the eternal plant of righteousness” in 1 Enoch 93:10. We know nothing of the organization of this group. They endorsed the military action of Judas Maccabee and the use of the sword against sinners (91:11), and claimed to have a sevenfold teaching (93:10) of which the writings attributed to Enoch are presumably representative. It is possible that they are identical with the Hasidim who are mentioned as supporters of Judas Maccabee in 2 Macc 14:6 (cf. 1 Macc 2:42; 7:12–13) but the Hasidim are not otherwise known to have had the range of cosmological interests attested in the books of Enoch.

A contemporary but distinct apocalyptic movement is attested in the book of Daniel. In Daniel 11–12 we read of wise teachers (maskilim) who instruct the many in a time of persecution and some of whom are martyred. Unlike the militant “lambs” of Enoch, these people appear to be quietists, who look to their heavenly patron Michael for victory. Some of their traditions are related to those of the Enoch literature (compare the visions of the divine throne in Daniel 7 and 1 Enoch 14) but the two groups cannot be simply identified.

The book of Daniel has its own tradition history, which is reflected in the tales in Daniel 1–6. Here again there is reason to suspect that the early stages of the tradition were formed in the eastern Diaspora, although the apocalyptic visions of chaps. 7–12 were certainly composed in Palestine.

F.   Qumran

The Qumran community presents a special set of problems for the study of Jewish apocalypticism. The Qumran library included multiple copies of the apocalypses of Daniel and Enoch. It also included some fragmentary works which are possibly apocalypses (4Q>Amram, The New Jerusalem) and some eschatological revelations related to Daniel, which contain the four-kingdom motif (4QPsDan ar, and an unpublished vision of four talking trees, Garcia-Martínez 1987: 206–7). On the other hand, none of the major works of the sect is in the form of an apocalypse, and it is not clear that any apocalypse was composed at Qumran (Stegemann 1983: 495–530). Nonetheless, Qumran has often been described as an apocalyptic community, and with justification (Collins 1990). The Community Rule (1QS), the most authoritative description of the community we have, contains a treatise on the two spirits, which is thoroughly apocalyptic in its world view: human life is ruled by the warring spirits of light and darkness, but in the end God will intervene and reward the children of light with life without end (1QS 3–4). The Damascus Document (CD), which legislates for a wider community, alludes to this cosmic dualism (CD 5:18) although it does not expound it in the manner of 1QS, and it anticipates the destruction of the wicked by the hand of the angels of destruction (CD 2:6). The War Scroll (1QM) provides the rule for the eschatological war of the sons of light against the sons of darkness, in which the heavenly host mingles with the human combatants, and Michael is finally exalted over Belial. The sectarians believed they were living in the age of wrath, the last age, when the final battle was imminent (CD 1:5; 1QH 3:28). Other documents reflect the community’s interest in the heavenly world. The HoµdaµyoÆt express the belief that the members of the community were already in fellowship with the angelic council (1QH 3:19–22), and the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice describe the divine praises uttered by the various classes of angels. The fact that the community did not produce apocalypses may be due to the belief that the Teacher of Righteousness had become the medium of revelation for the community (1QpHab 7:4–5).

There is no doubt that the Qumran community was influenced by the world view expounded in the apocalypses of Daniel and Enoch. The precise relation of the community to those apocalyptic movements is unclear, however. CD 1 describes the emergence of “a plant root” in the “age of wrath.” Many scholars have noted the similarity to the “chosen righteous from the eternal plant of righteousness” in the Apocalypse of Weeks (1 Enoch 93:10) and assumed that the Enoch movement was simply the early stage of the Essene sect, before the arrival of the Teacher of Righteousness or the settlement at Qumran, or that both texts refer to the formation of the Hasidim, who are then taken to be the percursors of the Essenes (see Nickelsburg 1983: 641–54). The Qumran sect shared with the Enoch group the 364-day calendar, and we know that a dispute over the calendar was an important factor in the formation of the sect. Nonetheless it is too simple to identify either the early Essenes or their precursors with the Enoch movement. We have seen reason to believe that the book of Daniel was the product of a different group than the Enoch literature. Yet it was no less influential at Qumran. Moreover, the halachic (legal and ritual) concerns which are so important at Qumran are not reflected at all in either 1 Enoch or Daniel. We must resist the temptation to conflate all apocalyptic groups of the early 2d century into one movement. The Dead Sea sect was certainly influenced by the apocalypses, but it is best considered as a distinct movement.

The Qumran community provides the only instance in which we have substantial evidence about the social organization of an apocalyptic movement. In many respects it runs counter to the stereotypical ideas of such movements. It is rigidly hierarchical, legalistic, and preoccupied with questions of purity. We should not infer that all apocalyptic movements were organized in this way. The character of the Qumran community was shaped to a great degree by the priestly traditions of its members. An apocalyptic world view does not in itself imply a particular form of social organization.

G. Other Jewish Apocalyptic Movements

We are very poorly informed about Jewish apocalyptic movements apart from the Dead Sea sect, but it is salutary to remember that even the Qumran community was unknown half a century ago. The Similitudes of Enoch speak of “the community of the righteous” (1 Enoch 38:1) but tells us nothing about how that community was organized. We know of various movements in the 1st century c.e. which may have had an apocalyptic character. The preaching of John the Baptist evidently concerned “the wrath to come” but our information about his world view is very sketchy. Josephus writes of “deceivers and impostors, who under the pretense of divine inspiration fostering revolutionary changes, persuaded the multitude to act like madmen” (JW 2.13.4 § 258–60). Again, we do not know enough about these people to say whether their world view can properly be described as apocalyptic. At the end of the 1st century, 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch witness to a debate going on in some circles about the justice of God, which was conducted within an apocalyptic world view. Whether this debate implies any significant social movement, however, is an open question. In the Diaspora, the Sibylline Oracles attest a tradition which extended over more than 200 years. That tradition, in its earlier phase (Book 3), was closer to the this-worldly eschatology of the prophets than to apocalypticism but it developed strongly apocalyptic features in later books (especially Books 1–2 and 4, see SIBYLLINE ORACLES).

H. Function of Apocalypticism

It is apparent from this brief sketch that our knowledge of the social settings of Jewish apocalypticism is quite limited. This limitation cannot be overcome by adopting ideal models from cultural anthropology and deducing social settings from them, but only by the discovery of new information about the actual historical circumstances of ancient Judaism. It should be apparent, however, that those settings are diverse.

It has been generally assumed that apocalypticism arises from the experience of alienation, or in times of crisis (e.g., Hanson 1987: 75). This assumption is defensible if we grant that alienation, and crises, may be of many kinds. Apocalypticism can provide support in the face of persecution (Daniel), reassurance in the face of culture shock (the Book of the Watchers) or social powerlessness (the Similitudes of Enoch), reorientation in the face of national trauma (2 Baruch, 3 Baruch), consolation for the fate of humanity (4 Ezra). What is constant is not the kind of problem addressed but the manner in which it is addressed. In each case the apocalyptic revelation diverts the attention from the distressful present to the heavenly world and the eschatological future. This diversion should not be seen as a flight from reality. Rather it is a way of coping with reality by providing a meaningful framework within which human beings can make decisions and take action (compare the maskilim in Dan 11: 32–34).

Finally we should note that, just as apocalypticism cannot be identified with a single social movement, so it cannot be identified with a single strand of theology. To be sure, it involves some consistent assumptions about the way the world works, e.g., the inevitability of a final judgment. Within the framework provided by these assumptions, however, there is room for diversity of theological traditions. There is a great difference between the priestly legalism of Qumran and the sapiential traditions which inform 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch, which are closer to the mindset of the rabbinical schools. It could also be adapted to a radical departure from traditional Judaism in the rise of Christianity.

Bibliography

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Collins, J. J. 1977. The Apocalyptic Vision of the Book of Daniel. HSM 16. Missoula.

———. 1979. Apocalypse. The Morphology of a Genre. Semeia 14. Missoula.

———. 1984. The Apocalyptic Imagination. New York.

———. 1987. The Place of Apocalypticism in the Religion of Israel. Pp. 539–58 in AIR.

———. 1990. Was the Dead Sea Sect an Apocalyptic Movement? In Archaeology and History in the Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. L. H. Schiffman. Sheffield.

Eddy, S. K. 1961. The King Is Dead. Lincoln, NE.

Flusser, D. 1982. John of Patmos and Hystapses. Pp. 12–75 in Irano Judaica, ed. S. Shaked. Jerusalem.

Garcia-Martínez, F. 1987. Les Traditions apocalyptiques à Qumran. Pp. 201–35 in Apocalypses et voyages dans l’Au-Delà, ed. C. Kappler. Paris.

Gignoux, P. 1987. Apocalypses et voyages extra-terrestres dans l’Iran Mazdéen. Pp. 351–74 in Apocalypses et voyages dans l’Au-Delà, ed. C. Kappler. Paris.

Grayson, A. K. 1975. Babylonian Historical-Literary Texts. Toronto.

Griffiths, J. G. 1983. Apocalyptic in the Hellenistic Era. Pp. 273–94 in Hellholm, 1983.

Gruenwald, I. 1980. Apocalyptic and Merkavah Mysticism. Leiden.

Hanson, P.D. 1975. The Dawn of Apocalyptic. Philadelphia.

———. 1987. Old Testament Apocalyptic. Nashville.

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Koch, K. 1972. The Rediscovery of Apocalyptic. Naperville.

Kvanvig, H. 1987. Roots of Apocalyptic. Neukirchen-Vluyn.

Lambert, W. G. 1978. The Background of Jewish Apocalyptic. London.

Milik, J. T. 1976. The Books of Enoch. Oxford.

Mullen, E. T., Jr. 1980. The Assembly of the Gods. HSM 24. Chico.

Müller, H.-P. 1972. Mantische Weisheit und Apokalyptik. VTSup 22. Leiden.

Nickelsburg, G. W. 1977. Apocalyptic and Myth in 1 Enoch 6–11. JBL 96: 386–405.

———. 1983. Social Aspects of Palestinian Jewish Apocalypticism. Pp. 639–52 in Hellholm, 1983.

Rowland, C. 1982. The Open Heaven. A Study of Apocalyptic in Judaism and Christianity. New York.

Sacchi, P. 1982. Ordine cosmico e prospettiva ultraterrena nel postesilio. Il Problema del male e l’origine dell apocalittica. RivB 30: 11–33.

Smith, M. 1983. On the History of Apokalypto and Apokalypsis. Pp. 9–20 in Hellholm, 1983.

Stegemann, H. 1983. Die Bedeutung der Qumranfunde für die Erforschung der Apokalyptik. Pp. 495–530 in Hellholm, 1983.

Stone, M. E. 1980. Scriptures, Sects and Visions. Philadelphia.

———. 1984. Apocalyptic Literature. Pp. 383–441 in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M. E. Stone. Philadelphia.

VanderKam, J. 1984. Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic Tradition. CBQMS 16. Washington, D.C.

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Yarbro Collins, A., ed. 1986. Early Christian Apocalypticism. Semeia 36. Chico.

JOHN J. COLLINS

Early Christian

———

A.  The Milieu of Jesus

B.   Jesus

C.  The Synoptic Tradition

1. The Sayings Source

2. Mark

3. Matthew and Luke

D.  Paul

E.   The Book of Revelation

F.   The Apostolic Literature

G.  The Gnostic Apocalypses

H.  The Christian Apocrypha

———

A. The Milieu of Jesus

As is now generally accepted, Judaism in the time of Jesus was diverse (Nickelsburg and Stone 1983: 1). Although Jesus lived between the two main periods during which most of the Palestinian Jewish apocalypses were composed (the 3d–2d centuries b.c.e. and the late 1st century c.e.), there is evidence that the apocalyptic world view was widespread in Palestine during his time and that this world view was frequently linked to political issues. As was noted above, the community at Qumran had copies of Daniel and apocalypses attributed to Enoch. Even if they did not compose apocalypses themselves, their major works expressed an apocalyptic world view. Their expectations of the future included an eschatological battle in which foreign rulers (the Romans in the later documents) and their Jewish collaborators would be defeated. There is no evidence that Jesus had direct contact with the community at Qumran. Nevertheless, the fact that Philo and Josephus wrote descriptions of their way of life and beliefs shows that these were not unknown, even outside Palestine, assuming that the members of the community were ESSENES; (for the texts from Philo and Josephus in English translation, see Dupont-Sommer 1973: 21–36). The fact that at least some of the manuscripts of the War Scroll are in Herodian script shows that this document was very important from about 30 b.c.e. to about 70 c.e. (Cross 1961: 118, 120 n.20).

The Assumption or Testament of Moses is not an apocalypse but is closely related to the genre. This work was composed in the 2d century b.c.e. but was updated after the death of Herod in 4 b.c.e. (Collins 1979: 45). This work is especially important for the context of Jesus’ teaching because it refers to God’s kingdom in an apocalyptic context (Testament of Moses 10). That context includes vengeance on the enemies of Israel (vv 2, 7, 10). In the revised form of the work, the enemies were understood to be the Romans (Yarbro Collins 1976: 186).

It is likely that the occasion for the revision of the Testament of Moses was the unrest that followed the death of Herod the Great in 4 b.c.e. (Jos. Ant 17.9.1 § 206–17.12.2 § 338). This unrest included the activities of three messianic pretenders, Judas the Galilean, Simon, and Athronges (9.5 § 271–9.8 § 285). The Testament of Moses, however, has greater affinity with the earlier nonviolent protest of Judas and Matthias, the interpreters of the law, than with the activist royal pretenders (Yarbro Collins 1976: 186; see Horsley and Hanson 1985: 110–17).

When Archelaus was deposed and exiled, Judea, Samaria, and Idumea were annexed to the Roman province of Syria. Unrest broke out again in 6 c.e. when Quirinius, Octavian’s legate, took a census of the property of the Jews. Judas the Galilean led the revolt (Jos. Ant 18.1.1 § 1–18.2.1 § 26; see Fitzmyer Luke 1–9  393, 401–2). Besides this violent uprising, two further incidents of nonviolent resistance occurred. The first, in 26 c.e., involved opposition to Pilate’s bringing Roman standards into Jerusalem, because of the images of the emperor (presumably Tiberius) on them (Jos. Ant 18.3.1 § 55–59; JW 2.9.2 § 169–2.9.3 § 174). The other centered on Gaius’ command, in about 40 c.e., that his legate to Syria, Petronius, erect his statue in the temple (Ant 18.8.2 § 261–18.8.9 § 309; JW 2.10.1 § 184–2.10.5 § 203).

At some point during the reign of Tiberius, and probably during the time of Pontius Pilate was prefect of Judea, John the Baptist preached a message and performed a baptism of repentance (in addition to the gospels of the NT, see Jos. Ant 18.5.2 § 116–19). Josephus’ account of John’s message is very uneschatological, whereas the accounts of the gospels are thoroughly eschatological. The lack of eschatology in Josephus’ picture is probably due to his well-known bias in that regard. It is likely that John announced the “wrath to come” (see the saying from Q, the Synoptic Sayings Source, preserved in Matt 3:7–10 = Luke 3:7–9). This “wrath to come” was probably an element of the apocalyptic eschatology shared by John and the fourth book of the Sibylline Oracles (see especially lines 152–74).

Besides the evidence for the prevalence of apocalyptic eschatology during the time of Jesus, it is probable that at least one apocalypse was written around that time in Palestine. The Similitudes of Enoch, preserved in 1 Enoch 37–71, was apparently not part of the collection of Enoch books at Qumran. This lack allowed J. T. Milik to argue that the Similitudes is a Christian work of the 3d century (1976: 89–98). His argument has not won support, however, and most specialists date the work between the reign of Herod the Great and the destruction of the temple in 70 c.e. (Yarbro Collins 1987: 404–5). Since the latest historical allusions relate to the Parthian invasion of Palestine in 40 b.c.e. and Herod’s treatment in the warm springs of Callirrhoe, the usual methods of dating lead to a date around the turn of the era (Collins: 1979: 39; cf. 1984: 143).

The apocalyptic texts mentioned in this section, especially Daniel, had an influence on the people living in Jesus’ time and no doubt on Jesus himself. The political unrest following Herod’s death was still vivid for those who had experienced it, and they probably spoke of it now and then to their children. The tensions that gave rise to that unrest were not far beneath the surface and, at least in some circles, were linked to apocalyptic eschatology.

B. Jesus

During most of the 19th century, Jesus was viewed primarily as a teacher and social reformer (Schweitzer 1968). In 1892, Johannes Weiss published a study that led to the rediscovery of the apocalyptic aspect of the teaching of Jesus. Much of the work of biblical scholars and theologians in the first half of the 20th century centered on the task of assimilating this discovery and its consequences. A certain shift occurred in 1960 when Ernst Käsemann declared that, although Jesus made the apocalyptically determined message of John his point of departure, his own preaching was not fundamentally apocalyptic but proclaimed God as near at hand. Käsemann was “convinced that no one who took this step can have been prepared to wait for the coming Son of Man, the restoration of the Twelve Tribes in the Messianic kingdom and the dawning of the Parousia . . .” (1969: 101). The positions of Philip Vielhauer (1965: 87–91) and Norman Perrin (1967: 154–206) are similar.

In recent work on the historical Jesus, his life and teaching have been placed in the context of Jewish restoration eschatology (Sanders 1985). Events of Jesus’ life that make this reconstruction credible are his baptism by John; his choosing twelve disciples to have a special role, presumably a role symbolic of the renewal of the twelve tribes of Israel; his carrying out a prophetic symbolic action in the temple that probably foretold its destruction and renewal; and his execution by the Romans for sedition. Jesus’ proclamation of the kingdom of God and the miracles attributed to him can and ought to be interpreted in the context suggested by the major features of his life, namely Jewish restoration eschatology.

If Jesus’ teaching about the eschatological restoration included the activity of the heavenly “son of man” foretold in Daniel 7, it would be appropriate to speak of his teaching as apocalyptic. Scholars are divided on this issue. Some argue that the Son of Man sayings were composed by Jesus’ followers after the appearances to them of Jesus as the risen Lord (e.g., Vielhauer 1965; Perrin 1974: 10–93). Others argue that Jesus spoke of a heavenly Son of Man but did not identify himself with that figure (e.g., Bultmann 1968: 112, 122, 128, 151–52; Yarbro Collins 1987). Others argue that Jesus not only spoke of a Son of Man but identified himself with that heavenly being (e.g., Caragounis 1986: 174–75).

An argument in favor of Jesus’ having an apocalyptic orientation is that the movement with which he associated himself (that of John the Baptist) seems to have been apocalyptic and the movement that commenced among his followers very shortly after his death, the earliest Christian community in Jerusalem, also seems to have been apocalyptic (Perrin and Duling 1982: 71–79; Käsemann 1969: 102). It is more credible historically that Jesus’ life and teaching stood in continuity with these movements rather than in discontinuity.

C. The Synoptic Tradition

The synoptic tradition is a diverse body of oral and written materials centering on the life and teaching of Jesus that circulated in Christian circles in the first two centuries c.e. It is known primarily from the Synoptic Gospels, Mark, Matthew, and Luke, but also from several early apocryphal gospels (Koester 1980: 112). As indicated above, there is a widespread consensus that the earliest Christian community was an apocalyptic community (see also BTNT 1: 37–42; Allison 1985; Sanders 1985: 91–95).

1. The Sayings Source. According to the explanation of synoptic relationships called the Two Source Theory, the authors of Matthew and Luke used two written sources, the gospel of Mark and the Synoptic Sayings source, often referred to as “Q” (from the German Quelle, meaning “source”). The latter does not survive independently but must be reconstructed by synoptic comparison. The soundest method of reconstruction is to include material found in Matthew and Luke but not in Mark, or in all three but in two forms in either Matthew or Luke (a Markan form and a Q form). Such a reconstruction suggests that Q contained a variety of smaller literary forms, including brief narratives, such as the story of Satan’s testing Jesus, wisdom sayings, pronouncement stories, and prophetic and apocalyptic sayings. It is likely that Q concluded with an apocalyptic or eschatological discourse (Kümmel 1975: 66, Perrin and Duling 1982: 102).

As reconstructed from Matthew and Luke, the Sayings Source is heavily influenced by apocalyptic eschatology. Most often its apocalyptic hope is expressed in sayings about the return of Jesus from heaven as the Son of Man, e.g., Luke 12:40 = Matt 24:44. His coming was expected to be like lightning or the primordial flood (Luke 17:24 = Matt 24:27; Luke 17:26 = Matt 24:37). The social setting of this apocalyptic material was an environment of persecution by “this generation,” leaders in Jerusalem, and Pharisaic leaders (Perrin and Duling 1982: 103–7).

Recently, John Kloppenborg has argued that the apocalyptic form of Q is secondary and that, in its original form, the Sayings Source was a nonapocalyptic wisdom document, belonging to the genre “instruction” (Kloppenborg 1987a). Kloppenborg has certainly advanced the discussion of the genre of Q, but his argument regarding an early nonapocalyptic form is problematic because of its differentiation of source and redaction along “pure” formal lines (Yarbro Collins, forthcoming a and b). Kloppenborg has also argued that the Sayings Source, even in its latest recoverable form, is not apocalyptic because “it does not fully share the situation of anomie which impels apocalypticism towards its vision of a transformed future” (1987b). This argument is not compelling because it uses a single hypothetical characteristic of apocalypticism to determine whether a work is apocalyptic or not.

2. Mark. With Mark the gospel tradition reaches its apocalyptic peak. Its genre has been seen as parabolic (Kelber 1983: 117–29). Joel Marcus has pointed out the apocalyptic character of the parables in Mark (1986: 62–65, 229–33). According to Norman Perrin, the gospel of Mark presents “an apocalyptic drama” in three acts, involving the work of John the Baptist, the work of Jesus, and finally the mission of the disciples into the world (Perrin and Duling 1982: 238). Although in some ways the gospel of Mark resembles ancient biographies (Aune 1987: 46; Talbert 1988), its genre is better described as historiography in the apocalyptic mode (Yarbro Collins 1990: 148).

Mark begins with the words, “The beginning of the good news of Jesus the Messiah.” The “good news” (gospel) here refers to the entire work and teaching of Jesus. Mark’s account of this good news begins with a prophecy attributed to Isaiah (1:2–3) and the indication that this prophecy was fulfilled in the activity of John the Baptist (1:4). John himself then prophesies the coming of one mightier than he (1:7–8). This prophecy is fulfilled in the narrated arrival of Jesus to be baptized (1:9–11). Jesus later prophesies his own death and resurrection (8:31; 9:31; 10:32–34). The reader is led to understand the narration of the fulfillment of this prophecy as an apocalyptic-eschatological event in light of the two major discourses of Jesus, both of which are apocalyptic in character (chaps. 4 and 13; see Marcus 1986; Brandenburger 1984; Allison 1985: 26–39). The ending of Mark is open-ended (Kelber 1983: 129). It does not signify closure at the point of the failure of the male disciples of Jesus to stand by him at the cross or of the female disciples to announce the resurrection. Rather, it demands that the readers bring to mind the unnarrated portion of the story (Magness 1986: 114–17). The rest of the story includes the apocalyptic-eschatological events of the proclamation of the good news to all nations (13:10) and the revelation of the Son of Man (13:24–27).

3. Matthew and Luke. Besides preserving the apocalyptic material of Mark and adding that of Q, the gospel of Matthew has modified, in an apocalyptic direction, certain passages taken from Mark. For example, Matthew’s parable chapter has become even more apocalyptic than Mark’s with the addition of the parable of the weeds and its interpretation (13:24–30, 36–43). To Mark’s account of the transfiguration, Matthew has added elements typical of apocalyptic visions (17: 2, 6–7). To the apocalyptic discourse, Matthew has added phrases like “the close of the age” (24:3), “the sign (of the Son of Man)” (v 30), and the reference to a loud trumpet call that will accompany the sending out of the angels to gather the elect (v 31). Likewise, the death and resurrection of Jesus are accompanied by apocalyptic signs not mentioned by Mark (27:51b–53; 28:2–4). The emphasis in Matthew is more on the aspect of fulfillment than on expectation of the conclusion of the apocalyptic scenario. This impression is given primarily by the theme of the presence of the risen Lord with the community (18:20; 28:20).

It is now generally agreed that Conzelmann overstated the degree to which the author of Luke-Acts departed from the world view of apocalyptic eschatology (see, e.g., Fitzmyer, Luke AB, 18–23, commenting on Conzelmann 1960 et al.). Nevertheless, a shift is evident from the expectation of an imminent revelation of the Son of Man to the concerns of the daily life as a Christian. This shift is evident in the use of apocalyptic traditions in ethical exhortation (Tannehill 1986: 243, 246–51).

D. Paul

It is widely agreed that Paul’s world view was apocalyptic (Käsemann 1980; Beker 1980). Paul viewed the resurrection of Jesus as the beginning of the apocalyptic event of the general resurrection (1 Cor 15:12–20; cf. Dan 12:2–3). In his earliest letter, the focus is on the imminent return of the risen Lord and the union of Christians in fellowship with him, both the few Christians who have died and the majority expected to survive (1 Thess 4:13–18; cf. 1 Cor 15:51–52). In his later letters, Paul accepts the possibility that he will die before the return of Christ (Phil 1:19–26; cf. 2 Cor 5:1–10). Since the literary genre apocalypse and related texts expressing apocalyptic eschatology are not always characterized by imminent expectation, this shift in Paul’s thought may not be used to argue that his later letters are not apocalyptic. The understanding of history expressed in Rom 8:18–25, for example, is apocalyptic. The primordial past is portrayed indirectly as a lost age of glory and freedom from decay (note the allusion to Gen 3:17 in v 20). The sufferings of the present time are the eschatological woes that precede the new age of glory and freedom that will begin with the general resurrection, the “redemption of our bodies” (v 23; cf. 1 Cor 15:20–28).

Besides the temporal apocalyptic dimension, Paul reflects interest in the spatial dimension of apocalyptic revelation (Segal 1986). His conversion or call is described as “a revelation of Jesus Christ” (Gal 1:12). In 2 Cor 12:1, he speaks of “visions and revelations of the Lord.” By way of example, he speaks of a man who was caught up to the third heaven, to paradise, where he received secret revelations (vv 2–4). His remark that “a thorn was given me in the flesh” to keep him from being too elated by the abundance of revelations (v 7) implies that the “man” taken up to the third heaven was Paul himself. In 1 Corinthians 2, Paul speaks of “a secret and hidden wisdom of God, which God decreed before the ages for our glorification” (v 7). This combination of heavenly and eschatological revelation in Paul is comparable to what we find in the book of Daniel.

E. The Book of Revelation

The book of Revelation is the only apocalypse in the NT, and even it is a mixed genre, since the account of the revelation received by John is embedded in an epistolary framework (1:4–6; 22:21). Like the book of Daniel, Revelation brings heavenly mysteries to bear on a social crisis. In this case, the crisis is the tension between Roman ideology and Christian messianism (Yarbro Collins 1984; cf. Schüssler Fiorenza 1985). For a discussion of this work, see the article on REVELATION, BOOK OF.

F. The Apostolic Literature

Among the works conventionally called the “apostolic fathers” by modern scholars is one apocalypse, the Shepherd of Hermas. Internal evidence suggests that this work was composed by a Jewish Christian freedman in Rome. It was written, perhaps in stages, between about 90 and 150 c.e. (Osiek forthcoming in NTApocr 3). The work consists of three parts: visions, mandates, and similitudes. At least the part containing the visions is an apocalypse (Hellholm 1980), but it is appropriate to speak of the entire work as an apocalypse (Osiek 1986).

Heavenly revelation plays a major role in the work. In Visions I–II, a heavenly figure, an elderly lady, allows Hermas to copy the content of a heavenly book so that he can communicate it to the faithful. The mandates or commandments and the similitudes or parables, that constitute the bulk of the work, are presented as the revelation given to Hermas by a heavenly being in the dress of a shepherd (Visions V.1–5). The work also has a strong eschatological interest. The term thlipsis is used both for persecution and for the impending eschatological crisis (Vis II.ii.7–8, iii.4; III.vi.5; IV.i.1, ii.5, iii.6; cf. Sim VIII.iii.6–7). Apparently the apocalyptic eschatology of this work included the transformation of the faithful to an angelic state after death (Vis II.ii.7).

Although the Didache is a church order in terms of genre, it expresses apocalyptic eschatology. This is especially apparent in the concluding chapter (16), a short apocalyptic discourse. This discourse is related to Mark 13 and parallels, especially to Matthew 24. Didache 16, however, does not follow that text closely, but seems to be largely independent, perhaps drawing on oral tradition. It shares with Matthew 24 the notion of a “sign” linked to the appearance of the Lord (Son of Man) on the clouds and the motif of a trumpet call. Its distinctive elements, relative to the synoptic apocalyptic discourse, are the fiery trial and the deceiver of the world. The latter is presented in terms reminiscent of the lawless one in 2 Thessalonians 2 (cf. Holland 1988).

G. The Gnostic Apocalypses

There is an emerging consensus that the religious philosophy called “Gnosis” (or Gnosticism, especially in its more developed forms) originated in the diverse matrix of Judaism in the late Hellenistic period (Rudolph 1983: 277). Thus, Gnosticism should no longer be described as a Christian heresy. In spite of the essential independence of Gnosticism from Christianity, the two movements came into contact early, perhaps already in Paul’s time (Rudolph 1983: 300–2) and a gnostic form of Christianity emerged in the 2d century (Layton 1987: 20–21).

The literature produced by Christian gnostics included a number of apocalypses (Fallon 1979: 124). An early and classic example is the Apocryphon or Secret Book of John (Fallon 1979: 130–31; Layton 1987: 23–51). This work was composed in Greek (although it survives only in Coptic), probably in the 2d century c.e. The narrative framework involves Jesus’ appearance after his resurrection to John the son of Zebedee on the Mount of Olives. In a dialogue between the two, the Savior reveals the nature of God as the source of all being, the structure of the divine world (pleroma) before creation, the story of creation (Genesis 1–4 retold from a gnostic perspective), and the secrets of salvation. John is commissioned to relate these mysteries to those who are like him in spirit. In the concluding narrative framework he communicates the revelation to his fellow disciples.

Several gnostic apocalypses include a heavenly journey (Fallon 1979: 136–39). One of these is the Apocalypse of Paul (preserved in Coptic and not to be confused with the Christian aprocyphal Apocalypse of Paul preserved primarily in Latin). The narrative framework involves an appearance of the Holy Spirit as a little child to Paul on a mountain near Jerusalem. The Spirit then takes Paul on a journey through the ten heavens (the longer, later version of 2 Enoch also has a journey through ten heavens). In the seventh heaven is an “old man,” probably the God of the Jewish Bible, who tries to prevent Paul from going beyond that heaven. Paul, however, with the help of the Spirit and a special sign, is able to ascend further. In the tenth heaven Paul meets his fellow spirits. The descent of Paul is not narrated and there is no concluding narrative framework.

H. The Christian Apocrypha

The Apocalypse of Peter (preserved in Greek fragments and in Ethiopic) is one of the oldest Christian apocryphal apocalypses. It was probably composed around 135 c.e., since the activity of the Jewish messianic claimant, Bar Kokhba is indirectly portrayed as the eschatological crisis. Like many of the gnostic apocalypses, its narrative setting seems to be after the resurrection of Jesus (Yarbro Collins 1979: 72–73). Jesus is the mediator of heavenly revelation, in this case, of the signs and events of the end and visions of the places of reward and punishment (Himmelfarb 1983: 8–11). Other Christian apocryphal apocalypses in which revelation is mediated through epiphanies, visions, and auditions include Jacob’s Ladder, the Book of Elchasai, the Apocalypse of St. John the Theologian (modeled on the canonical book of Revelation), the Questions of Bartholomew, the Book of the Resurrection of Jesus Christ by Bartholomew the Apostle, and parts of other works (Yarbro Collins 1979).

The oldest Christian apocryphal apocalypse of the heavenly journey type is the Ascension of Isaiah. This work is probably a composite made up of two originally independent works, a Martyrdom of Isaiah and a Vision or Ascent of Isaiah. The latter is the apocalypse and is contained in chaps. 6–11 (Yarbro Collins 1979: 84). Isaiah’s journey is through the seven heavens and involves revelation of the different kinds of angels inhabiting each. The climax is a “prophecy” of the descent of “the Beloved” (Christ) through the seven heavens, his mission on earth, and his ascent back into the seventh heaven. In the present time it is the wicked angel Sammael and the angels of the firmament who determine events on earth. The strife on earth reflects the strife among the angels. Other Christian apocryphal apocalypses of the journey type include the Latin Apocalypse of Paul, the Greek Apocalypse of Ezra, the Ethiopic Apocalypse of the Virgin Mary, the Story of Zosimus, the Greek Apocalypse of the Holy Mother of God, a Coptic Apocalypse of James unrelated to the two discovered at Nag Hammadi, a Coptic work entitled The Mysteries of St. John the Apostle and Holy Virgin, the Greek Apocalypse of Sedrach, and parts of other works (Yarbro Collins 1979). Many of these works are concerned with punishments (Himmelfarb 1983) and rewards after death. They are important for many reasons, one of which is that they formed the raw material for Dante’s Divine Comedy. On apocalypticism in the Middle Ages, see McGinn (1979).

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 Adela Yarbro Collins